This article is a continuation of the study of conflicts in the former Yugoslav republics. The first part of this research, titled “Künneth’s Legacy in the Bosnian War. Part 1”, covered the events of the early 1990s, including the Bosnian War (1992–1995) featuring tragic episodes like the siege of Sarajevo and the genocide in Srebrenica. In light of the unprecedented cruelty and hatred in the Bosnian War, and in the broader search for origins and preconditions of all Balkan conflicts, the first part examined the ideological and informational backdrop of these wars — the role of propaganda and indoctrination carried out by a group of anticultists (fighters against “cults” and “sects”) from the Military Medical Academy (MМА), under the leadership of neuropsychiatrist and anticultist Colonel Bratislav Petrović.
In this part, we expand the temporal scope to include events of the 1980s, which led not only to the brutal Bosnian War, but also to other Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. We will pay special attention to the formation of the Serbian anticult movement organized at the Orthodox Missionary School under the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), which became a foundation for the future operations of the Belgrade Dialogue Center. We will also examine the role of the church and Serbian missionary press, including the journal “Belgrade Dialogue” whose editorial board included Johannes Aagaard and Alexander Dvorkin, together with radical clergy of the SOC.
A brief note: the newly uncovered information definitively confirmed the guilt of Serbian anticultists in the ideological component of the Yugoslav wars, which influenced the methods of warfare with extreme aggression, cruelty, ruthlessness, and the aim of not just seizing territories, but establishing “ethnically and religiously pure Orthodox Serbian zones.” This culminated in the genocide in Srebrenica where almost 8,000 Bosnian Muslims were killed within less than ten days. The forefathers of Serbian anticultism were the same individuals who were the source of radical Serbian nationalism, the architects of superiority ideology, and the originators of the narrative of a “defensive,” “righteous,” “blessed” war against “non‑Serbs” and “non‑Orthodox Christians.”
The facts presented below also evidence consolidation of the anticult movement at the international level, identical destructive goals of anticultists, their continuous interaction and mutual assistance over decades. In other words, there is a clear case of a large‑scale criminal conspiracy, repeatedly leading to genocide of targeted groups in various regions at different times. The world has seen the fruits of this destructive power in Nazi Germany, during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, later in Kosovo, in the Russo-Ukrainian war, and in many other instances.
Belgrade Dialogue Center as the Nazi Legacy of Künneth
While investigating factors that accompany the transformation of Serbian Orthodox nationalism into its extreme form with an ideology of superiority, that is, into Nazism, it’s important to turn to the activities of the Belgrade Dialogue Center headed by neuropsychiatrist Bratislav Petrović from the Military Medical Academy (MMA) in Belgrade. The Belgrade Dialogue Center was the main successor of Nazi knowledge and methods in Serbia, created by the prototype of the anticult Apologetic Center that operated during the NSDAP rise in Hitler’s Germany under Walter Künneth, a Nazi ideologist, theologian, antisemite, and fighter against “sects” and “cults.”
The previous article detailed the link between the formation of conflict ideology in the Balkans and Nazi legacy of Künneth. Let’s briefly reiterate it: after the fall of the Nazi regime in Germany, the knowledge and methods of Nazi ideologists from Walter Künneth’s Apologetic Center survived and were passed down through Friedrich‑Wilhelm Haack and his Danish fellow believer Johannes Aagaard. In turn, Haack and Aagaard transmitted Nazi knowledge and methodology via the Dialog Center (DC) missionary theological institute they founded in 1973 and Dialog Center International (DCI) founded in 1981, which were attended by people from various countries. By the prototype of the Danish Dialog Center, Aagaard’s disciples later established similar centers in other countries.
In Serbia, such a center was Belgrade Dialogue that operated at the Orthodox Missionary School under the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky (SOC, 63B Tsara Dušana Str., Belgrade) and the Institute of Mental Health at the MMA. Officially, the center’s goal was “protection against the actions of totalitarian and destructive sects and cults.” The Belgrade Dialogue Center involved clergy, military personnel, psychologists, lawyers, criminologists, adult educators, and neuropsychiatrists from the MMA. All of them were trained by Colonel Bratislav Petrović for many years by the same methods he used during the Yugoslav wars to indoctrinate military personnel. Belgrade Dialogue closely cooperated not only with radical SOC clergy, but also with the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and directly with Alexander Dvorkin who was on the editorial board of the center’s journal “Belgrade Dialogue.”
Information about the Belgrade Dialogue Center may partly be found in several issues of the said journal. All in all, four issues were released (Nos. 1, 2, and the double issue 3–4). It is noteworthy that the “Belgrade Dialogue” was published at the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky in Belgrade — the very base of the center itself. Please take note of this church as it will be mentioned repeatedly in this article.
Photos of the “Belgrade Dialogue” journal, Issue No. 1, 1997:
Issue No. 1 of the “Belgrade Dialogue” lists its editorial board members, including Serbian representatives Dr. Svetozar Radišić and Zoran Luković, a very close colleague of Bratislav Petrović. The board also included DCI president Johannes Aagaard from Denmark, DCI vice-president Alexander Dvorkin, Thomas Gandow (president of Berliner Dialog), and deacon Andrey Kuraev.
The journal relied on materials from other anticult periodicals: Germany’s “Berliner Dialog” and Russia’s Orthodox magazine “Radonezh.” Analyzing all available issues of “Radonezh” since its inception, we arrive at the conclusion that the magazine has been consistently supporting and promoting Alexander Dvorkin 1,2 and other Russian anticultists 3,4 , and has continually published anticult materials 5,6,7 .
To help illustrate this, below is Issue No. 7 of “Radonezh,” published in April 1998, which presented the latest updates and news of the international anticult movement at the time. This publication again features the same key figures — Alexander Dvorkin and Johannes Aagaard 8.
In the 1990s, Alexander Dvorkin already started focusing on international outreach, spreading extremist ideology and expanding his influence across various countries. While the vice-president of DCI pursued a process of covert expansion, his protégés at the Serbian branch of DCI — the Belgrade Dialogue Center — were working on the ground to destabilize the Balkan region. They imposed a supremacist ideology and provoked escalated aggression on the battlefield amid the bloody armed conflicts during the decade-long Yugoslav wars.
Incidentally, regional “dialog centers” in Ukraine would follow a similar blueprint just a few years later. Established under the auspices of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate and operated by Alexander Dvorkin and his protégé Pavel Broyde, they laid a groundwork for the future conflict in Eastern Ukraine which would eventually escalate into the bloody war between Russia and Ukraine. This was previously exposed in the article “Europe, Open Your Eyes If You Don’t Want War on the actfiles platform.
Yet, let’s return to the Serbian anticult movement. As noted by Svetozar Radišić, Dvorkin’s Serbian colleague on the editorial board of the “Belgrade Dialogue” journal, the greatest contribution to preventing influence of sects and cults in the Yugoslav army came from psychologist Vlajko Panović and neuropsychiatrist Dr. Bratislav Petrović: “Head of the Institute Prof. Dr. Bratislav Petrović and psychologist Vlajko Panović did the most to stop the influence of sects and cults in the Yugoslav Army.” 9 Years later, together with other military psychology colleagues from MMA, including psychologist Slobodan Spasić, they would go on to join the European federation FECRIS and take part in international anticult conferences as experience-sharing participants.10 In addition to their participation, the Serbian branch would also be represented by Alexander Dvorkin during his tenure as vice-president of FECRIS.
Below are screenshots of FECRIS General Assembly documents from various years 10. Note the abbreviation CAS: it’s the name of the Serbian branch of FECRIS, successor to the Belgrade Dialogue Center. Listed next to each organization are the names of its leaders or representatives who spoke on its behalf that year. The documents show that in 2006, CAS was represented by Slobodan Spasić and Zoran Luković. In 2007, the CAS representatives were Slobodan Spasić, Zoran Luković, Porfirije Perić, and Vlajko Panović.
Now, let’s go back to the “Belgrade Dialogue” journal. The second issue of “Belgrade Dialogue” (1998) also included methodological materials authored by members of the journal’s editorial board, including Alexander Dvorkin from Russia, Thomas Gandow from Germany, and others. Alongside them, the issue featured materials from Serbian psychologists and neuropsychiatrists from the Military Academy and priests of the Serbian Orthodox Church, including Archpriest-Stavrophor Hadži Ljubodrag Petrović 11.
It is worth noting that Archpriest-Stavrophor Ljubodrag Petrović played a key role in the twenty-year formation of Serbian anticultism (beginning in 1979), which initially operated under the guise of missionary apologetic work at the Orthodox Missionary School under the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky, as will be discussed in more detail later. But we’ll begin with examining the case of Serbian anticultist Professor Svetozar Radišić.
Professor Dr. Svetozar D. Radišić
The portal srbin.info 9 features an article by Professor Dr. Svetozar D. Radišić, which he wrote in memory of his participation on the editorial board of the “Belgrade Dialogue” journal: “I wrote this text on February 8, 2003, as a remembrance of my membership on the editorial board of the ‘Belgrade Dialogue’ journal.”
Before we cite excerpts from his article, it’s important to understand who this Serbian anticultist is:
“Prof. Dr. Svetozar D. Radišić graduated from the Air Defense Military Academy and the Command and Staff Academy of the Yugoslav People’s Army. He defended a doctoral thesis on ‘Managing the System for Building Combat Readiness.’ His highest military post was as spokesperson for the Yugoslav Army. He held senior positions in the Guards Motorized Brigade, the SFRY Ministry of Defense Cabinet, the Directorate for Training and Education, the Directorate of Information and Morale of the General Staff of the Yugoslav Army, and the Directorate for Strategic Studies of the Federal Ministry of Defense. He served for many years as editor-in-chief of the general military theoretical journal ‘Military Affairs.’ He retired from the position of assistant for strategies and doctrines in the Cabinet of the Chief of the General Staff of the Army of Serbia and Montenegro. He taught at the National Defense School and in postgraduate studies (in the field of ‘military skills’) at the Command and Staff College of the Army of Serbia and Montenegro. He is listed as an expert in strategy and doctrine, combat readiness, ‘multi-dimensional defense,’ ‘psychological warfare,’ ‘non-armed forms of aggression,’ and the ‘new world order’.”
“Based on assessments by experts in the theory of warfare and the methodology of military skills, he introduced into military theory: a new classification of wars; a scientific explanation of wars in non-physical and non-military spheres (non-armed forms of aggression); definitions of perfect and total wars; a scientific explanation of neocortical warfare and multi-dimensional defense; organizational models (simulations) for refining combat readiness; a scientific explanation regarding the use of electromagnetic and vibrational weapons and protection from them; and predictions of future wars where physical space will cease to be a factor.” 9
Having gained a view of this anticultist who served on the editorial board of the “Belgrade Dialogue” journal alongside the successors of Nazi knowledge and methods, Johannes Aagaard and Alexander Dvorkin, let us now examine excerpts from his article.
“Since the World Congress on Psychiatric Rehabilitation, held at the Sava Center in Belgrade at the end of August 1997, where discussions were held on victims of totalitarian and destructive sects and cults, guru movements, and psycho-organizations, and up through the beginning of April 1998, more and more experts from various professional fields in Serbia, particularly in Belgrade and the Yugoslav Army, joined the fight against destructive sects and cults. The leader in the fight against satanism and anti-Orthodoxy has been the Belgrade Dialogue Center.”
“In the Belgrade Dialogue Center, one of four European Dialogue Centers (at that time, Berlin, Copenhagen, and Athens Dialogue Centers already existed), which all had the same goal — fighting against destructive and totalitarian sects and cults, for the first time, priests, officers, lawyers, psychologists, adult educators, and criminologists worked together. At the MMA Institute of Mental Health, psychologists and neuropsychiatrists took part in the same struggle by giving lectures in Yugoslav Army units and institutions and treating members of cults and sects.”
Let us pause here to add one more Dialogue Center in Europe — the Dialogue Center Slovakia — which appeared slightly later than the events described above. It’s also known that DCI later opened branches in Ireland, Russia, and the United Kingdom.
Now we return to Dr. Svetozar D. Radišić’s article that outlines the views and stances of his colleagues, Serbian “sectologists”:
“Experts on sects and cults believe that in Serbia and Montenegro, Orthodox (St. Sava–style) methods of addressing God, adapted to the Serbian archetype, mentality, and genetic code, have in recent years been insidiously replaced with methods originating in the Maharishi movement, thereby undermining Serbian genealogy, self-awareness, culture, and tradition.”
“However, sects and cults are not the only problem for the Serbian defense system. Even more active in fracturing and destabilizing the Serbian national identity are NGOs, peace movements, humanitarian organizations, agencies, and foundations.”
The next two examples of Serbian anticultists are particularly interesting, as the facts in their biographies serve as connective links and unite key events in the religious, political, and military life of Serbian society during the time of war.
Dr. Vladimir Dimitrijević
Dr. Vladimir Dimitrijević is a Serbian anticultist, activist of the Orthodox Missionary School at the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky in Belgrade, and deputy editor-in-chief and managing editor of the “Belgrade Dialogue” journal. We’d like to highlight an interesting fact from his biography. In 2006, Dr. Vladimir Dimitrijević took part in the Christmas Readings of the Russian Orthodox Church in Moscow at the invitation of Alexander Dvorkin, as explicitly mentioned in his biography. Let us quote a relevant excerpt 12 since it contains other equally important facts:
“Since 1991, [Vladimir Dimitrijević] has been actively involved in the activities of the Orthodox Missionary School at the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky in Belgrade and the Religious Charitable Trust of the Belgrade‑Karlovci Archdiocese, organizing lectures and other forms of Christian educational activity. With a team of Orthodox missionaries led by Archpriest-Stavrophor Hadži Ljubodrag Petrović, he visited over fifty cities in various Serbian lands: from Apatin to Priština and from Bor to Trebinje, speaking on the danger of totalitarian and destructive religious cults and sects. Later on, he delivered over two hundred lectures on his own in various places on various occasions.”
“He also contributed to the development of the church missionary press here. In addition to collaborating with nearly all Orthodox periodicals and journals, he served on the editorial board of ‘Svetigora,’ the bulletin of the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral, the aforementioned ‘Žički Blagovesnik,’ as well as Kragujevac’s ‘Pogled’ and the journal ‘Obraz,’ published at St. Alexander Nevsky Church in Belgrade. He was one of the founders and the deputy editor‑in‑chief and managing editor of the ‘Belgrade Dialogue’ journal intended to protect against the actions of totalitarian and destructive religious cults and sects, which was also issued at St. Alexander Nevsky Church in Belgrade. He was also on the editorial board of the ‘Church Life and Orthodox Work’ journal.”
“At the invitation of the most eminent Russian sectologist, Dr. Alexander Dvorkin, he participated in the Christmas educational readings of the Russian Orthodox Church in Moscow in 2006.”
“He collaborated or continues to collaborate with the websites ‘Dveri,’ ‘Nova srpska politička misao,’ ‘Novi Standard,’ ‘Vidovdan,’ ‘Srpski list,’ ‘Borba za veru,’ etc. He’s a regular contributor to the Serbian page of the reputable Russian website Strategic Culture Foundation.”
“As an independent intellectual, he never belonged to any political party, although he supported the Serbian Christian movement ‘Dveri – For the Life of Serbia’ in the 2012 and 2014 elections in Serbia. Since Dveri’s founding in 1999, he collaborated with them, mainly through panel discussions, lectures, and journals. At the beginning of 2015, he supported the creation of the patriotic opposition bloc Dveri, the Democratic Party of Serbia, and independent patriotic intellectuals. After the transformation of the Serbian movement Dveri into a political party, as necessary under Serbian election law that prevents civic associations from forming electoral coalitions, he joined the Political Council of Dveri, where he served as deputy president under academician Kosta Čavoški.”
What’s also noteworthy from Vladimir Dimitrijević’s biography is that he serves on the editorial board of a Belgrade publishing house “Catena Mundi.” This additionally connects him with Kosta Čavoški 13, beyond their shared roles in the Political Council of the Serbian movement Dveri.
As for Kosta Čavoški, he was elected chair of the Political Council of the Serbian movement Dveri and closely cooperated with the movement for many years. In the 2016 parliamentary elections, he publicly supported the electoral list of the coalition between the Democratic Party of Serbia and Dveri 14. Later in this article, we will return to such a figure as Kosta Čavoški, but already in the context of the activities of another anticultist, Bratislav Petrović, in the 2000s.
Returning to Vladimir Dimitrijević and his close involvement with the Dveri movement as well as his editorial role at the journal “Obraz” published at the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky, it’s important to present the following information from the analytical article “The Serbian Orthodox Church and Extreme-Right Groups: A Marriage of Convenience or Organic Partnership?”, published by the Berkley Center 15, and the report “PRAVOSLAVNA CRKVA, CRNA GORA I ‘SRPSKI SVET’” (“THE ORTHODOX CHURCH, MONTENEGRO, AND THE ‘SERBIAN WORLD’”) 16,17:
“The Serbian movement Dveri (Doorway), the most popular ultra-conservative faction, perceives itself as part of the growing Orthodox Christian right in Serbia and one that has endeavored to forge close links with the SOC. Influential conservative clerics within the church do not hesitate to provide rhetorical support to Obraz (Fatherland Movement Honor), which originated in the Orthodox Missionary School of the temple of Saint Alexander Nevsky in Belgrade. Obraz is classified by the Serbian police as Clerico-fascist since it builds on the conceptual traditions of the Serbian fascist movement Zbor from the 1930s and 1940s. Both Dveri and Obraz align closely with the ideology of ‘Saint Sava nationalism’ (underpinning the idea that there should be a close symbiosis between church and state) and support for the clerical nationalism of former SOC Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović (1920–1956).”
Looking ahead, it’s worth noting that the Serbian movement Dveri has been observed collaborating with Russian anticultists, colleagues of Alexander Dvorkin, including the well-known radical archpriest Dmitry Smirnov. However, this will be discussed in the third part of this investigation.
It’s important to clarify that the aforementioned movements, organizations, websites, and parties are not merely connected by the biography of the Serbian anticultist Dr. Vladimir Dimitrijević. All of them are components of a unified international shadow force — or more precisely, its visible arm in Serbia — operating under the guise of anticult activity and “protection of family and society.”
The case of Vladimir Dimitrijević demonstrates that nearly all major outlets of the Serbian Orthodox Church’s missionary press in the 1990s were directly edited by anticultists and their enablers who sat on the editorial boards and advisory councils of those journals and newspapers. After reviewing narratives from available Serbian church publications of that time, we can conclude that SOC’s missionary press fulfilled two main functions: it served as a mouthpiece for anticult rhetoric and was a critical cell of national war propaganda promoting the idea of a “Greater Serbia.”
Regarding Vladimir Dimitrijević’s membership on the editorial board of “Svetigora,” a magazine published by the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral, we must specify that this metropolitanate was led by metropolitan bishop Amfilohije Radović, popularly known as the “Metropolitan of Prayer and Curse” due to his frequent harsh public condemnations against those who disagreed with the dominant ideology. What is more, both the “Svetigora” magazine and its namesake publishing center were not merely under his control — they were founded by him. Later, in 1998, the radio station “Svetigora” was also established and started broadcasting.
Metropolitan Amfilohije was among the trio of bishops from the SOC whom Serbian writer Milorad Tomanić labeled as “war hawks” for their ideological and propagandistic support of the war in Bosnia and other Yugoslav conflicts — for undermining peace talks and calling for the extermination of Muslims, cloaking such rhetoric in the false language of “defending Orthodox Christianity.” This trio of bishops formed the core of a radical faction within SOC during the war years, which effectively removed Patriarch Pavle of Serbia from active leadership, leaving him the title of patriarch merely in name. This radical clergy faction also served as the founding and sponsoring body of the apologetic and missionary campaigns directed at fighting “sects” and “cults.” Further details on this will follow later in the article.
As for the publication of “Svetigora” magazine, it should be emphasized that no missionary Orthodox press can operate without the blessing and oversight of its ecclesiastical authorities. In this case, “Svetigora” was the main journal of the metropolitanate and operated under full control of Metropolitan Amfilohije. Members of the periodical’s editorial board, including anticultists like Vladimir Dimitrijević, could not have operated independently of the metropolitan. It is known that Metropolitan Amfilohije himself frequently employed anticult terminology, in particular the label “sect,” and also used the magazine for regular publication of his articles, essays, and sermons.
To understand the roots of Serbian anticultism and the real causes behind the emergence of extreme Orthodox Serbian nationalism, we must return to the late 1970s and 80s and examine the role of the Missionary School at the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky in Belgrade, as well as the contribution of its founder, the anticultist Archpriest-Stavrophor Hadži Ljubodrag Petrović 18.
Missionary School at the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky in Belgrade and Its Founder, Archpriest-Stavrophor Hadži Ljubodrag Petrović
In 1979, Archpriest-Stavrophor Hadži Ljubodrag Petrović was appointed rector of the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky in Belgrade. Shortly after the appointment, he sought the patriarch’s blessing to establish a school of religious education for children at the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky. By Resolution No. 467/79, dated September 15, 1979, His Holiness Patriarch German of Serbia approved and blessed the founding and launch of the religious education school for children. The same resolution appointed Archpriest-Stavrophor Ljubodrag Petrović as the school’s first director. It is worth noting that prior to that, he served at the Church of St. Sava in Belgrade, where, as a religion teacher, he taught religious education from 1969 to 1979.
As the number of students at the missionary school under the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky grew, Archpriest-Stavrophor Ljubodrag Petrović turned to Patriarch German to seek his blessing to establish an Orthodox Missionary School (OMS) at the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky. The first generation of students of the Orthodox Missionary School, formed in 1985, included disciples of Father Ljubodrag Petrović who had been teaching them over the previous six years (1979–1985). They were joined by several adult parishioners. By the end of June 1986, which marked the close of the first academic year at the OMS, the number of students had grown to 43. Most of the first missionaries and founders of the seminary maintained a strong connection to the church and school and formed its core.
Over the decades, more than ten thousand students of all ages (mainly between 14 and 50 years old) and of various professions have passed through this missionary school. According to its founder, Father Ljubodrag Petrović, the school’s mission was “to teach students the Orthodox faith so that, wherever they may be, they can bear Orthodox witness to the truth, correcting that which is heretical and that which, perhaps, is present in the Christian life practices of Orthodox believers” (“поучи православној вери да би они могли, где год да се нађу, православно сведочити истину, исправљајући оно што је кривоверно, а што је, можда, присутно у хришћанској животној пракси православних верника“). Subjects covered at the seminary included apologetics, dogmatics, and the history of the Ecumenical Church and the Serbian Orthodox Church.
By the early 1990s, the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky and its Orthodox Missionary School had become the primary Orthodox center in Serbia and, as the missionaries themselves called it, one of the key hubs of Orthodox spiritual revival in Belgrade.
In 1990, within the framework of the Orthodox Missionary School, now with an entire generation of missionaries and apologists trained since 1979, Archpriest-Stavrophor Hadži Ljubodrag Petrović founded a Center for Assistance to Victims of Sects and for Anticult Activities. Since then, anticult activities within the Serbian Orthodox Church continued to grow. Years later, Archpriest-Stavrophor Hadži Ljubodrag Petrović became one of the founders and a member of the editorial board of the journal “Belgrade Dialogue” aimed at “protecting against totalitarian sects and destructive cults.” It is worth reminding that members of the journal’s editorial board included Johannes Aagaard, Alexander Dvorkin, and several SOC clergymen. In 1998, Patriarch Alexy of Moscow and All Rus’ awarded Archpriest-Stavrophor Hadži Ljubodrag Petrović a Patriarchal Certificate of the Russian Orthodox Church.
Center for Assistance to Victims of Sects and for Anticult Activities
At the initial stage of its operation, the Center for Assistance to Victims of Sects and for Anticult Activities submitted a report to the Holy Synod of the Serbian Orthodox Church on the consequences of activities of “sects” and “cults” among the Serbian people. The Report on Sects in the Territory of Belgrade City was published in the “Herald of the Serbian Orthodox Church” (“Glasnik SPC”) in 1992. This report became the subject of a number of interviews and articles provided by the SOC to various daily newspapers, magazines, radio and television outlets. It also served as a basis for organizing a series of lectures and forums on anticult topics across Belgrade and Serbia 19. Throughout 1992 and 1993, the center’s Apologetic Section hosted lectures organized by the committee for protection against sectarian activities. The key speaker was the aforementioned anticultist Vladimir Dimitrijević. Over time, those lectures evolved into a kind of forum.
In addition to lectures and forums, a counseling center for “victims of sectarian activity” was established at the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky. Alongside the SOC clergy, experts from other public institutions involved in anticult activities participated in the center’s work, including those from the Military Medical Academy. Connections were established with professionals in the fields of healthcare, psychology, and security. The center was known to be active well into the 2000s. From 2003 onward, it operated under the leadership of the church rector, Archpriest-Stavrophor Vajo Jović, and Mr. Slađan Mijailović. During the center’s operation, its staff delivered an extensive series of lectures in educational institutions across Belgrade and Serbia and published a huge number of printed materials.
In 1993, the election of Archpriest-Stavrophor Ljubodrag Petrović, director of the Orthodox Missionary School, to the newly formed “Committee of the Serbian Orthodox Church for Combating Sectarianism Among the Serbian Orthodox People” gave the seminary the official blessing to work on a plan for Orthodox protection against sectarian activities among the Serbian population.
Beginning in the fall of 1993, the Serbian Orthodox Church developed a system for protecting against “sects” and “cults.” Father Ljubodrag Petrović, Father Vajo Jović, and Vladimir Dimitrijević, together with a group of experienced missionaries in the region and in cooperation with the clergy of local parishes and directors of cultural centers and libraries, held forums in nearly every major city across Serbia, Montenegro, and Republika Srpska. From 1993 to 1998, they reached approximately 50 locations. Lectures were also delivered, with the support of leading specialists from the Military Medical Academy, to senior and junior officers, noncommissioned officers, and soldiers in military barracks, as well as in a sports hall in Bijeljina where over 2,500 high school students and teachers were present. Lectures were also held in parish houses, cultural centers, gyms, high schools, and universities.
The SOC clergy crowned this campaign against “sects” and “cults” with the publication of the aforementioned “Belgrade Dialogue” journal. The periodical covered everything “discussed at forums throughout the Serbian lands.”
It’s important to note that the entire ten-year period of military conflicts in the countries of former Yugoslavia, beginning in 1990, coincided with the peak of the Orthodox Missionary School at the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky and the active work of Serbian apologists, missionaries, and anticultists. Another “coincidence” is that the same ten years also overlapped with the activities of the head of the Belgrade Dialogue Center, professor and neuropsychiatrist Colonel Bratislav Petrović, who led the fight against “sects” and “cults” and directed all Nazi knowledge, methodology, and ideology towards indoctrination of Serbian military personnel prior to their deployment to war.
Expansion of the Missionary School: First Congress of Belgrade City Orthodox Youth, October 28, 1990. Sermon of the “War Hawks”
The second step in expanding activities of the Orthodox Missionary School at the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky, following the establishment of the Center for Assistance to Victims of Sects and for Anticult Activities, was the organization of the First Congress of Belgrade City Orthodox Youth held on October 28, 1990. Approximately 700 people attended the congress, representing various Orthodox brotherhoods and SOC parishes.
The generation of youth present at the congress had been raised within the framework of growing Serbian Orthodox nationalism, while their teachers were those familiar with the process of indoctrination, brainwashing, and imposition of superiority ideology. That was the year 1990 — a time when the machinery of hatred, bloodshed, and genocide was set in motion under the pretext of defending “Orthodox Serbs,” building a “Greater Serbia,” and conducting military actions aimed at creating “Orthodox-pure Serbian zones.”
A key moment at the congress of Orthodox youth was the second part of the assembly — specifically, the joint speeches delivered by a group of bishops together with several missionaries from the Orthodox Missionary School. Three bishops addressed the youth and believers with “archpastoral sermons”: Amfilohije Radović, Atanasije Jevtić, and Irinej Bulović. The official website of the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky still marks this as an “important event for Belgrade and the entire Serbian people” (“Био је то велики црквени догађај за Београд и србски народ уопште”), significant for “awakening of Orthodox youth” 18.
Yet, who were really those bishops — the ones who spoke alongside the apologists of the Orthodox Missionary School? And what did they actually awaken in people? The answer to this question can be found in the book by Serbian historian and writer Milorad Tomanić, “SRPSKA CRKVA U RATU I RATOVI U NJOJ” (“The Serbian Church During Times of War and the Wars Within It”) 20,21, as well as in the research article “Outline of a Serbian Orthodox Doctrine of Righteous War.” 22
At that time, the Serbian Orthodox Church was controlled by a radical pro-war faction within the clergy, whose decisions were more influential than even those of the Serbian Patriarch. Patriarch Pavle of the SOC was effectively sidelined from decision-making within the church, although he formally retained his title. The key figures who basically controlled the church were three bishops, also called the “war hawks.” Two of them — Amfilohije Radović and Atanasije Jevtić — were the very bishops who spoke at the October 1990 congress of Orthodox youth alongside apologists from the Orthodox Missionary School under the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky.
Let us quote an excerpt from the article “Outline of a Serbian Orthodox Doctrine of Righteous War” 22:
“The patriarch of SOC at the time, Patriarch Pavle, was, according to Tomanić, isolated as an ineffective leader, while three metropolitans—the war ‘hawks’ as Tomanić called them—were de facto in control of the church and in general supported the war effort of the Yugoslav state (de facto Serbian by 1992). The Serbian Synod therefore issued statements that called on the Serbs to defend their homeland, which could be read as incitement to the Serbian military actions towards Croats and Bosnian Muslims in Bosnia (see Aleksov 2010 for an analysis of these statements).”
Another significant fact from the article concerning the year 1990 is that the radical faction of SOC metropolitans and bishops signed the program of the Association of All Serbs of the World (in Serbian: Savez svih Srba sveta) which stated, “Its [Serbia’s] boundaries are marked with the Serbian monuments and temples, and Serbia must not give up an inch of its territory.”
According to historian Milorad Tomanić, Metropolitan Amfilohije (in 1990, still a bishop) was one of the three dominating war hawks of the SOC in the 1990s.22
The role played by these SOC bishops who blessed Serbian youth and political leaders for war against Croatian Catholics and Bosnian Muslims, while also training Serbian youth in the fight against “cults” and “sects,” is clearly reflected in their actions and statements. The book “The Serbian Church During Times of War and the Wars Within It” contains revealing passages about Metropolitan Amfilohije Radović and Bishop Atanasije Jevtić — the so-called “war hawks”:
“All the hopes of the Serbian Orthodox Church, particularly the ‘three A’s’ (Metropolitan Amfilohije, Bishop Atanasije and Bishop Artemije) were placed with the ‘three Ks’ (Karadžić, Krajišnik and Koljević), and of course Biljana Plavšić, the ‘new Maiden of Kosovo,’ as Metropolitan Amfilohije called her. Dragomir Ubiparović, a priest from Sarajevo, described in one of the issues of Hrišćanska Misao (Christian Thought) the relations between the Church and Serbian leaders in Bosnia: ‘Church offices and ceremonies served for the promotion of the SDS leaders, and to recommend them to the people. This limitless support best demonstrated our tendency towards excess. This went so far that the party leaders themselves were confused by the attention they were given and by the excessively flattering remarks about them – about their allegedly divinely predestined and messianic roles. And how could they not be, when the clergy addressed them with incredible praise and told them, in front of the people, “that God himself sent them to save the Serbian people”… This extreme political servitude of the Church, and the Church’s assistance in gaining the trust of the people for such politics, this over-apparent symbiosis and this joint work in the same field after all certainly also implies the sharing of achievements and failures!’”
It is noteworthy that while the Serbian Orthodox Church knew how to share successes, the church hierarchy distanced itself in time from the failures, hypocritically blaming political leaders for the war the SOC itself had called for. It was precisely the SOC clergy, particularly its radical wing, that served as a source of nationalist ideology and hate-filled rhetoric, incessantly urging an escalation of military action until total and ultimate victory. As is often the case, the true culprits — the ideologues of war — faced no punishment. All the blame fell on executors, not the instigators.
Here are other telling excerpts from “The Serbian Church During Times of War and the Wars Within It” 21:
“The ‘flattering remarks’ and ‘incredible praise’ of the clerics and high-ranking SPC [SOC] officials for the Serbs from across the Drina River and their leaderships, left marks on many Serbian souls, particularly the young and impressionable. Under the influence of some of their professors at the Faculty of Theology, such as Metropolitan Amfilohije, Bishop Atanasije Jevtić, Bishop Atanasije Rakita and others, the students turned the praise into adoration, and criticism
of other people and their leaders into racial hatred.”
As we can see from the quote, the “war hawks” and patrons of the Serbian anticult movement were also professors at the Faculty of Theology. What could Metropolitan Amfilohije and Bishop Atanasije Jevtić possibly have taught? In the same book, we find an example of a text written by a theology student:
“Truly pleased that ‘in battle there is always ten times more Muslim casualties than Serbian,’ the young author of the text praises General Mladić, the entire officers’ staff of the RS army and the Serbian troops. The student of the Faculty of Theology concluded:. ‘Today in an era of sentimentalism and humanism, which extensively poison human souls and make men into weaklings, there are men with an iron will, clear mind and focused vision that make evil and chaos tremble. These are the fighters of the Republika Srpska and Republika Srpska Krajina, of whom we can say without restraint that they are nobles, knights and heroes. Nothing can shake or thwart them, not [numerically] superior enemy forces, nor the fervent wailing of the Belgrade pacifists. Earlier, too, we had these Serb degenerates and traitors, called pacifists, who spat on the Serbian soldiers and just war. Today they have really bred in great numbers and have become even more brazen and cynical… They will not admit that peace comes with the triumph of one side and the defeat of the others. They want peace to be achieved through Serbian capitulation and acceptance of slavery. Peace in the Balkans would have been achieved a long time ago had Alija [Izetbegović’s] and Franjo [Tuđman’s] mentors stopped inciting the Ustashas and Turk converts against the Serbs. This way peace will come with the total victory of the Serbs and the creation of a free and united Serbian national and Orthodox state’.”
In this passage, the Serbs are set in opposition to Ustashas and Turks. This was a core element of the propaganda promoted by SOC clergy, which relied heavily on manipulating historical events — specifically, drawing parallels with World War II and the genocide of Serbs carried out by the Croatian fascist Ustasha movement. In the 1990s, opponents of the “Greater Serbia” ideology were labeled “Ustashas” by association, while the war itself was portrayed not as aggressive, but as “defensive,” “liberating,” and “blessed.”
Let us note another telling excerpt from “The Serbian Church During Times of War and the Wars Within It,” which illustrates the symbiosis of political and religious authority whose consequences the world has already witnessed in other bloody wars of the past and continues to witness nowadays:
“The president of the Republika Srpska, Dr. Radovan Karadžić, said in early 1994 that relations between the Church and state were excellent. ‘Our clergy is present during all our deliberations and decision making, and the voice of the Church is listened to as the voice of the highest authority,’ said Radovan Karadžić. So …the patriarch and the other Serbian bishops, being ‘the highest authority’ whose voice was ‘listened to,’ could have asked the RS leadership to remove the heavy artillery that had besieged Sarajevo for more than a thousand days. That way they would have prevented additional losses in human lives and property.”
However, not only did the SOC bishops fail to do this, but they actively worked to derail the peace plan of the Contact Group on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Among the clergy most involved were Bishop Atanasije Jevtić and Metropolitan Amfilohije Radović:
“Instead of asking the Bosnian Serbian leadership to remove the tanks, cannons and other heavy armament from around Sarajevo, the SPC [SOC] bishops asked them to do the exact opposite. At the session of the Republika Srpska Parliament in July 1994 where it was to be decided whether to accept the peace plan presented by the Contact Group for Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bishop Atanasije Jevtić conveyed a message to the MPs from the SPC that there could be no accepting a ‘new decimation of the Serbian people’ and that the offered plan should not be accepted. Metropolitan Amfilohije sent a telegram of support that read: ‘Having restored your faith in the justice of God, you have also restored St. Lazar’s faithfulness to the people, raising the dignity of the Serbian people. Your decision will tear down all the deceit of the democracy of the so-called New World Order, but it will also expose those that are truly concealing their love of power behind concern for the people and justification on behalf of the people. God help you’.”
“The Serbian bishops apparently believed (wrongly, as it turned out) that the Serbs from Serbia and Montenegro would rush to the aid of the Serbs from Bosnia at their signal. ‘With full responsibility before God and our people and human history, we call on all the Serbian people to stand in defense of the ancient rights and freedoms, their vital interests necessary for [their] physical and spiritual survival and survival in the land of their fathers and grandfathers,’ said the Appeal sent by the SPC bishop’s conference on July 5, 1994.”
“…in August 1994, bishop Atanasije commented on the Contact Group plan, in his heroic fashion. ‘The sovereignty of the Republika Srpska must be achieved, and we must suffer until this happens. Let them bomb us, but we cannot sign the judgment, and we will not accept the maps of the Contact Group that represent a new mutilation of the Serbian people’.”
Let us highlight separately the speech by Metropolitan Amfilohije:
“Metropolitan Amfilohije went on to say that… ‘today the people and Parliament of the Republika Srpska are guarding the honor and soul of the Serbian Orthodox people, not with empty words and disgraceful compromises, but with their blood and their
lives, which they pledge before the entire world in defense of all that is honorable and sacred in this nation, in defense of Orthodoxy as a whole. The battle is being waged in Bosnia and Herzegovina today for the golden freedom and honorable esteem of all of Orthodoxy, for justice and the soul of the entire world, for the sanctity of the godlike human dignity… God help our brothers in Bosnia and Herzegovina with goodness and strength, to resist the pressures of the world, which Our Lord Jesus Christ has already defeated. May he provide such help and strength to our brothers in the Republika Srpska Krajina, and give us strength and wisdom not to lose our souls forever’.”
This raises a counterquestion: What kind of “golden freedom” and “godlike human dignity” are those if they came at the cost of the genocide of peaceful civilians in Srebrenica during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina? And what kind of Orthodox Christianity is this, considering that one of its core commandments should be “Do not murder”?
It is also important to note the justifications by SOC bishops for all the atrocities committed by Serbian forces against civilians, as well as their accusations against opponents for crimes in which the guilt of the Serbian army has been entirely proven. The “evidence” which formed the basis for justifying Serbs and accusing non-Serbs actually originated from specific sources — from experts, psychologists, and neuropsychiatrists of the MMA, and from their leader, neuropsychiatrist and anticult activist Colonel Bratislav Petrović. This was detailed in the first part of our research. Based on data obtained from the said sources, the SOC convened an emergency meeting of the Holy Synod of Bishops in December 1992.
“In the statement issued from the extraordinary session of the Holy Assembly of Bishops, in December 1992, they rejected the accusations that the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina are ‘holding 40,000 Muslim women in camps for their abuse and rape.’ ‘In the name of the Justice of Heaven, based on the testimonies of our hierarch brethren in Bosnia and Herzegovina and other reliable testimonies, I state with full moral accountability that there have never been nor are there any such camps in the Republika Srpska of Bosnia and Herzegovina.’ But on the other hand, ‘as far as the victims of violence on the Serbian side are concerned, we have many confirmed testimonies of individual and group rapes and violence
against women, even girls. The most appalling thing for the moral responsibility and human conscious of the victims, and all of us, were the many instances of Serbian women conceiving under such circumstances.’ Also, all the crimes in Bosnia that were committed by members of the Serbian armed units were explained by the bishops as heated revenge, distress and individuals in frenzy (Bishop Atanasije Jevtić) and the fury of individuals (Patriarch Pavle).”
The following two excerpts from the book “The Serbian Church During Times of War and the Wars Within It” illustrate the views of Bishop Atanasije Jevtić and other SOC clergy, answering the questions: “When should one kill?” and “Why should one kill?”:
“WHEN SHOULD ONE KILL? – … Killings in war are not considered a sin even in the case of the clergy that, it should be repeated, are explicitly prohibited from such acts according to Orthodox canons. And not only that: many warrior priests have been canonized. Some people, who were even previously used to killing, often moved from being criminals to being national heroes because of their participation in war and fighting for ‘national interests.’ Željko Ražnatović Arkan is the best example of this… Even Bishop Atanasije Jevtić said about him: ‘I know who Arkan was; but he is now a hero, and that’s how it ought to be’.”
“WHY SHOULD ONE KILL? – …the Orthodox canons do not recommend killing for the purpose of protecting one’s life and belongings, and even chastise it, but in the struggle against ‘the crescent moon, Islamic and aggressive’ (Atanasije Jevtić), for ‘the revered cross and golden freedom,’ for ‘Greater Serbia’ and ‘salvation of the cross with three fingers,’ one should indubitably kill. THE INTERESTS OF THE SERBIAN CHURCH, SERBIAN STATE AND SERBIAN PEOPLE (as interpreted by the SPC [SOC]) were the only reason for which an orthodox Serb could ‘legally’ kill and not fear Judgment Day.”
Symphony of Church and State: The Example of Nazi Germany
We cannot but draw a parallel between the Yugoslav wars, specifically the role played by the SOC and fighters against “sects” and “cults,” and the NSDAP policies in Nazi Germany along with actions of the radical wing of the Protestant Church. Pastors from the radical Protestant faction were closely linked to the Apologetic Center that engaged in combating “sects.” The brutality demonstrated by the Gestapo during World War II was largely a result of adopted practices, materials, and methods from that very Apologetic Center which was headed by Walter Künneth and included representatives of the Protestant Church.
* For more information on the Apologetic Center and its director, Nazi ideologue, antisemite, and anticult crusader Walter Künneth, see “The IMPACT” documentary and the articles on the actfiles portal: “Anti-Cultism During the Rise of Fascist Germany” and “The Fourth Reich: Who Continues Hitler’s Legacy?”.
Radical Protestant pastors regularly urged the Gestapo to escalate their methods against Jews and dissidents. In 1942, Bavarian Evangelical Lutheran pastor Friedrich Auer openly demanded that the Nazi government carry out a new “St. Bartholomew’s Day,” referring not to a massacre of Huguenots this time, but of Jews. It’s important to clarify that the pastor’s invocation of “St. Bartholomew’s Day” wasn’t accidental. The St. Bartholomew’s Day massacre was historically part of the French Wars of Religion and became an enduring symbol of religious fanaticism and violence due to its sheer brutality and sectarian hatred.
In the context of the Bosnian War, this symbol of bloodshed is rivaled in cruelty by the Srebrenica massacre (1995) that was classified by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) as genocide. In this act of genocide, Orthodox Serbian military forces — already in control of the town — killed about 8,000 Bosnian Muslim civilians over the course of several days. The youngest victims were between 8 and 10 years old, the oldest were over 85.
This atrocity was the result of an ideology planted in the minds of Serbs well in advance — an ideology aimed at creating “Greater Serbia” through the conquest and establishment of “ethnically and religiously pure Orthodox Serbian zones in eastern Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina,” with the goal of annexing them to the de facto territory of Serbia. Orthodox Christianity, specifically its distorted form as a national titular religion, played a key role in how Serbs came to define their ethnic identity, their perceived superiority over others, and their vision of building a “Greater Serbia.”
Unlike the Serbian political leadership which stood trial in Hague (ICTY), Serbian anticultists and the radical wing of SOC clergy faced no consequences for their ideological and inciting role in the outbreak and escalation of conflicts. None of them have been held accountable for their calls couched in “archpastoral blessings” that led to thousands of innocent victims, including the genocide of Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica.
The same course of events mirrored the scenario following World War II, when no radical religious figures from the Protestant Church nor its apologists, including their leader Walter Künneth, were prosecuted for their rhetoric, propaganda, antisemitic views, collaboration with the Gestapo, or for providing ideological justification for Nazi officers who carried out war crimes. In both Nazi Germany and Serbia, it was the top military leadership, not the ideological architects and instigators of the war, that ultimately faced trial.
Consequences of Indoctrination
Part 1 of this investigation, published earlier on actfiles.org, detailed the role of indoctrination carried out by Serbian anticultists from the Military Medical Academy (MMA), led by neuropsychiatrist Bratislav Petrović who conditioned Serbian soldiers before sending them to war. Let’s briefly review what the indoctrination process entails.
Indoctrination is a deliberate and systematic implantation of specific beliefs or ideology into a person’s consciousness and subconsciousness. Its goal is to shape a predetermined model of thinking and behavior while suppressing critical thinking. Indoctrination can be delivered through direct personal interaction or, on a mass scale, through mass media and religion. Its effect runs deeper than that of propaganda because it penetrates subconsciousness and influences core values, convictions, and beliefs, eliminating any doubt. Unlike propaganda, indoctrination has long-term effects, often lasting a lifetime. In Nazi Germany, indoctrination was the method used to shape the minds of youth. As a result of such an impact, many Germans, even long after the collapse of the Nazi regime and the end of World War II, did not recognize the existence of Nazism in their country, remaining firmly convinced of the righteousness of the ideology embedded in their consciousness.
Similar consequences of indoctrination can be seen in the testimonies of Serbian military men who participated in the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. A telling example is an interview with a former Serbian soldier who served in an elite special forces unit of the Serbian army — the so-called Red Berets — during the war in Bosnia. The interview appeared in the 2014 New York Times Magazine article “Life in the Valley of Death” 23. The interview is revealing on many fronts and also confirms the overwhelming dominance of Serbian forces over the Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica.
“It was almost like a game, a cat-and-mouse hunt. But of course, we greatly outnumbered the Muslims, so in almost all cases, we were the hunters and they were the prey. We needed them to surrender, but how do you get someone to surrender in a war like this? You starve them to death. So very quickly we realized that it wasn’t really weapons being smuggled into Srebrenica that we should worry about, but food. They were truly starving in there, so they would send people out to steal cattle or gather crops, and our job was to find and kill them… No prisoners. Well, yes, if we thought they had useful information, we might keep them alive until we got it out of them, but in the end, no prisoners… The local people became quite indignant [local Serbs, eager to exact revenge on Muslims, were denied that opportunity because of the ‘no prisoners’ policy], so sometimes we would keep someone alive to hand over to them [to kill], just to keep them happy.”
Let’s pause here and highlight a critical point. In March 1993, British journalist Tony Birtley visited Srebrenica. He captured footage of civilians dying from starvation 24. The ICTY findings also concluded that the starvation was deliberately induced 25 during the war:
“Bosnian Serb forces controlling the access roads were not allowing international humanitarian aid — most importantly, food and medicine — to reach Srebrenica. As a consequence, there was a constant and serious shortage of food causing starvation to peak in the winter of 1992/1993. Numerous people died or were in an extremely emaciated state due to malnutrition.”
Now, back to the interview with the former Red Berets soldier.
“…during the Bosnian war, he was in the elite special-forces wing of the Srpska Army, the so-called Red Berets. It’s a distinction he remains proud of; within minutes of our meeting, Nenad brought out his cellphone to show me pictures of his old red beret, carefully set on a pillow on the floor of his car. ‘I carry it with me everywhere,’ he said. ‘It’s part of what defines me as a man.’
That pride seemed to stand in stark contrast to the reason he had agreed to speak with me — his wartime experiences in Srebrenica. ‘When it comes to Srebrenica,’ he explained, ‘The Serbian side can never admit what really happened there — ‘Oh, the numbers are exaggerated. There was killing on both sides’ — because then they have to face what was done in their name. But I think it’s important to tell the truth about that war.’
Despite Nenad’s willingness to talk, the conditions of the interview were strict: I was not to use his last name — ‘I’m worried about being called to The Hague,’ he said, referring to the international war-crimes tribunal — and no photographs were to be taken.
When the war broke out, Nenad was 19, living in Goražde in eastern Bosnia. He gave up his dream of becoming an engineer and immediately responded to the mobilization call by Srpska’s president, Radovan Karadžić — ‘As a Serb, I was glad to do it’ — and was sent to Bratunac for military training. He spent the next three years patrolling the Srebrenica siege line.”
The next excerpt from this interview is particularly striking for its complete lack of compassion or empathy — both during the war and many years later, as he recalled those events in Srebrenica — with not a hint of remorse or regret.
“On the night of July 13, Nenad visited the small town of Kravica, where just hours earlier his colleagues killed more than 1,000 captives in the agricultural storehouse. ‘Because they used grenades, it was a real mess, just pieces of bodies and blood running everywhere. And now there was the problem of how to get rid of all these bodies.’ He shrugged and gave a dismissive sniff. ‘Well, that was Engineering’s problem.’
The longer we spoke, the more bewildered I became. Nenad showed no remorse for his wartime actions. Even his description of the horrors at Kravica was delivered in a flat, matter-of-fact tone.”
“…I had little doubt of his answer when I asked if, knowing what he knows now, he would do it all over again. I was mistaken. ‘Of course,’ he replied without hesitation. ‘If again Serbia is attacked, of course I would fight.’”
This interview with a soldier from the Red Berets unit is a vivid example of the mindset shaped by the implanted narrative of a “defensive war.” It’s important to underscore a crucial fact about the Srebrenica massacre: it occurred in the final moments of the Bosnian War in 1995 — at a time when it was becoming clear that the international community was stepping in to help Bosnia settle the conflict and bring the war to a close. If territorial conquest were the only objective for Serbian forces, those mass killings would have been entirely pointless. But why did they do it? Because for the indoctrinated Serbian military, the aim wasn’t merely to seize territory, but to purge it of non-Serbs. Those soldiers and officers were nothing more than instruments in the hands of the true ideologists of the war — tools programmed for hatred and destruction. This brutal bloodshed was the death throes of concentrated hatred erupting before the final end of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Red Berets and the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral of Amfilohije Radović
To conclude this article, let’s examine one significant correlation. Information about the activities of neuropsychiatrist Bratislav Petrović from 2005 revealed an additional link to the Serbian Liberal Party, to Kosta Čavoški (former deputy chairman of the Dveri party, mentioned above), to the ultranationalist magazine “Svedok,” and directly to the Red Berets unit that fought in Srebrenica.
In the early 2000s, neuropsychiatrist Bratislav Petrović, along with his close ally in the fight against “sects” and “cults,” police captain Zoran Luković from the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Serbia, continued to shape Serbian public opinion through sensationalist media, with the support of the Serbian Orthodox Church. In cooperation with the SOC, this anticult team organized various roundtables, conferences, and talk shows aimed at discrediting non-Orthodox organizations and continuing to implant an ideology of superiority in the minds of Serbs.
At the headquarters of the ultranationalist Serbian Liberal Party (SLP) founded by Kosta Čavoški 26 (in addition to his role in the Dveri party), regular meetings and roundtables were held on the subject of “sects” and “cults” 27. Among those present at one such roundtable were the already familiar Professor Bratislav Petrović and Captain Zoran Luković, deacon Vladan Vićentić (SOC), as well as Gordana Perić (Ministry of Justice), Tanja Janković (“New Serbia”), Mihailo Petrović (DSS), and the previously mentioned anticultist Slađan Mijailović (chairman of the civic association “Truth”).
Those anticult conferences and roundtables were covered by various media outlets, including the weekly “Svedok,” an ultranationalist magazine that supported the Red Berets 27.
It is noteworthy that the Red Berets unit was accused of killing journalists and politicians, as well as committing numerous other murders in Bosnia, Croatia, and Kosovo. Later, the Red Berets were named in several criminal cases related to assassinations or attempted assassinations of various political figures in Serbia. The “Svedok” magazine that promoted anticult themes was banned by Serbia’s new government after the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjič, as it had published an interview with the head of the Red Berets who was wanted in connection with the murder 28.
There is another key link in this story involving the Red Berets. In Montenegro, the Serbian Orthodox Church was observed to have ties with groups such as Tvrdoš, Stupovi, and Miholjski Bor, as well as the Montenegrin branch of the Night Wolves which was established in September 2014. Miholjski Bor is an organization led by a SOC priest who is also a Red Beret 15,16,17, 29. Priest Mijajlo Backović is indeed a Red Beret as well as a parish priest of Gornji Grbalj in the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral, chairman of the Orthodox Youth Brotherhood of Montenegro, and a former serviceman in the 63rd Parachute Brigade of the Armed Forces of Yugoslavia.
Let’s recall that the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro is governed by the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral, which for nearly 30 years was under the leadership of Metropolitan Amfilohije Radović — the very same leading “war hawk,” the “metropolitan of prayer and curse,” the father of Serbian anticultism, and one of ideologists of the war in Bosnia, who openly called for extermination of Muslims. Once again, we return to the roots of human tragedies in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s.
Conclusions
While researching this topic, we came across a comment from a resident of one of the Balkan countries: “Why is this region unstable and unhappy? Why don’t we have peace?” Indeed, why decades after the end of the armed conflicts do people still not feel the long-awaited peace and stability? The answer to this question is universal not only for Serbia, but for many countries around the world because it concerns a specific kind of activists, or rather, destructors — anticultists.
For decades, a destructive force has been operating with impunity at the international level, coordinated and managed by a single central hub. Today, that hub is located in Russia, and it is RACIRS led by Alexander Dvorkin. As a result, much like the course of events in Serbia during the 1990s, an identical scenario is now playing out in Russia: from the establishment of a titular Orthodox religion to the implantation of nationalism and an ideology of superiority in the minds of Russian citizens, all culminating in the war in Ukraine and incitement of fanatical hatred toward ethnic minorities in Russia, particularly those who practice Islam.
However, unlike the Serbian anticultists who operated within a limited region, Alexander Dvorkin has been purposefully working on the international stage since the 1990s. The network he ultimately built across multiple countries presents itself as an anticult initiative, but is actually aimed at undermining democracy and the rule of law. Since Alexander Dvorkin is well-acquainted with the indoctrination methods of Nazi ideologues obtained through Haack and Aagaard and neuropsychiatric methods of Serbia’s Military Medical Academy obtained through Bratislav Petrović, Dvorkin has managed to exert influence over multiple countries through his loyal network of anticultists, all of whom are part of a large-scale criminal conspiracy.
In light of the inhumane methods employed by Dvorkin’s network and the resulting human tragedies, only one question remains: how many more genocides are to occur, and how many more innocent children have to die, before we put an end to the existence of these destructors, maniacs, and sadists in our society?
To be continued.
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